Friday, 16 January 2015

Homeland and Masculine Hegemony


 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 


The television show Homeland from the Showtime Network attempts to portray a strong female lead in a stereotypically male dominated field as a CIA agent whose job is to fight terrorists and prevent attacks upon the USA. At the beginning of the shows production, Irene Shih wrote that “[Carrie] twists arms and breaks rules to follow her instincts, and no personal relationship ranks above her work” with regards to the shows female lead (Existential Heroines: Zero Dark Thirty and Homeland, 2013). However, throughout the series the hard hitting heroine disappears and a melancholy female begins to emerge.  The purpose of my paper is to show how Homeland, while having a female lead in a dominantly masculine profession as a CIA spy is consistently undermined by masculine hegemony. Much of the focus on the female lead involves periods of sobbing and mental instability while she falls in love with the wrong man and compromises her job. The male characters in the show consistently have to warn her to keep her behavior and erratic emotions in control. Homeland at face value appears to transcend gender barriers with their female lead but fails in developing much more than a stereotypical, incapable female who requires the love, assistance and approval of the men around her.

Kim Akass and Janet McCabe note that in many television programs women are acknowledged as female by making compromises in regards to their gender (What Has HBO Ever Done for Women, 2013). In Homeland, the character makes this compromise by being seen as less mentally capable of handling the stresses of her job than her male counterparts.  An example of this would be when her character bursts into tears in front of her former boss when she finds out that she will not get her job back (Gansa, 2012a), or throughout the series as she compromises her own safety to protect the man she loves. The viewer is asked to forgive what would be seen by anyone else to be an unprofessional demeanor and feel sympathy for the character. However, when her male counterpart and mentor, Saul Berenson challenges his higher up when he is denied a promotion the show portrays him as an intelligent, capable man standing up for what he believes in (Gansa, 2012b). The gender divide and the manner in which the program perceives the emotions of femininity and masculinity within a professional environment is made abundantly clear.

            The program also further degrades the strong female lead by introducing a love interest. Despite the love interest being suspect number one in a terrorist plot, Carrie falls in love and is eventually impregnated by him. Eliana Dockterman, a writer for Time Entertainment notes that men in television are seen as heroic when they fall in love, where as women are portrayed as weak minded (TV’s Strongest Female Characters Share One Stupid Flaw, 2013). Carrie’s inability to separate her attraction from her job is a sign of her weakness. This storyline is another way that the creators of the show remind the viewer that Carrie is female, and unlike her male counterparts is not responsible nor in control of her own emotions. Saul Berenson in particular must assign himself to be her caretaker and warn her not to get involved romantically with someone who they suspect of being a terrorist. This mentor/mentee relationship that is formed between the two characters is a representation of male hegemony, where the man must enable the woman to control herself as she is incapable of being in control of her own emotions. The pregnancy reminds the audience of Carrie’s poor choices, and the consequences she must deal with as a female. The viewer is asked to watch as a woman becomes devoid of the ability to sort between right and wrong, and make consistent poor decisions because love clouds her judgment.
            Because of Homeland’s desire to feminize the character of Carrie through stereotypically feminine emotions it creates a set of contradictions between a strong female lead, and an emotionally flawed character which is made glaringly obvious throughout the program. The viewer is asked to believe that a woman who is incapable of handling her emotions and falls in love with terrorists has spent fifteen years as a top CIA official. While the males in the program are capable of upholding professionalism, Showtime asks the audience to not only forgive but embrace the lead characters lack of professionalism, not because she is great at her job and defeating terrorists, but because she is a female and therefore incapable of controlling herself.  By surrounding her with male figures who are there to keep her in line, the show exacerbates this point and creates a show where we are asked to root for the female, but in the end accept her place in a male dominated world.


 

Works Cited

 

Akass, K., & McCabe, J. (2013). What Has HBO Ever Done for Women. In G. R. Edgerton & J.P. Jones (Eds.), The Essential HBO Reader (303-314). Kentucky. Publisher: University Press of Kentucky.

 

Dockterman, E. (2013, October 10). TV’s Strongest Female Characters Share One Stupid Flaw. Time Magazine. Retrieved http://entertainment.time.com/2013/10/10/tvs-strongest-female-characters-share-one-stupid-flaw/

 

Johanessen, C.. (Writer), & Ferland, G. (Director). (November 4, 2012). A Gettysburgh Address [6]. In A. Gansa (Producer), Homeland. Los Angeles, California: Fox 21.

 

Shih, I (2013). Existential Heroines: Zero Dark Thirty and Homeland. Kennedy School Review, 13. 98-103

 

Stiehm, M. (Writer), & Kerrigan L. (Director). (October 14, 2012). State of Independence [3]. In A. Gansa (Producer), Homeland. Los Angeles, California: Fox 21.



 

 

 

Reality TV and the Docudrama


 
 
The medical docudrama emerged after the success of fictional medical dramas in the 1990’s and shortly after the medical reality show followed. A docudrama is considered to be “any narrative film that is based on historical reality that seeks to re-create an ‘honest’ presentation of past events” (Stephen Lipkin, 2002). Untold Stories of the ER was one of the first medical docudramas and premiered on TLC on April 12, 2004 and continues to be filmed today. The television show interviews ER doctors about their most shocking encounters at the hospital, and intercuts with dramatizations recreating the event using actors. Following the popularity of this show, a new series which was reality based called Boston Med premiered on June 24, 2010. This program was different as it did not use dramatizations of medical emergencies, but instead followed doctors and nurses in real emergencies and day to day hospital operations. The purpose of my paper is to explore the medical docudrama and reality TV, specifically Untold Stories of the ER, and Boston Med and show how the format of these programs have developed for the audience and explores the social constructs of ER doctors by using filming techniques, as well as confessionals to portray the true nature of people in the medical profession.

The way in which docudramas and reality shows are filmed and formatted sets them apart from other programs. Silvio Waisbord notes in the article “McTV, Understanding the Global Popularity of Television Formats” that the audience enjoys the familiarity of TV, and that recurring themes make the audience more interested in a program (2013). The creators of Boston Med and Untold Stories of the ER appear to agree with this outlook as they both follow traditional reality TV and documentary formats during production. The camera is used in television shows such as Boston Med and Untold Stories of the ER in a very specific manner. Either the camera is in the fly on the wall position, where it is treated as a ghost in the room who receives front row viewing of a medical emergency, or the camera is in the position of the doctor, placing it in an authoritative position. The camera is positioned to watch as a patient is rushed into the hospital and the doctor is put in charge of treating an often life threatening injury. This is an example of Direct Cinema, where the audience is put an observational position by the camera, and is also on the authoritative side by being placed in the viewpoint of the doctor.

Untold Stories of the ER uses the angle of the camera to signify the position of the viewer during the dramatization portions of their episodes. The camera during the recreations which sets up the story for the ER visit is filmed in a very documentary-style fashion where the camera follows the actors closely as if they are at the scene with them, when in reality they are on a soundstage. This is an example of using Direct Cinema, but in a fictional manner which is very common for the docudrama genre. For example in one episode, a woman and her friend go hiking in the mountains and the unnamed woman is attacked and has her face mauled by a mountain lion. The camera can be seen shaking up and down as the victim is being attacked as if the camera is also being attacked. However, the camera also works in a traditional fictional television manner where it takes the position of the victim as the mountain lions jaw encloses around the face, placing the camera back into a fictionally vulnerable position where the viewer sees through the eyes of the victim (Fields, 2006).

Untold Stories of the ER differs from Boston Med because the dramatization of scenarios allows the program an opportunity to indulge on the scenes of accidents in a fictional manner where Boston Med must work with what is on film and occur during the time that the camera is present, meaning that anything that happens prior to the presence of the camera cannot be recreated. In addition, the producers of Untold Stories of the ER have the opportunity to take some liberties with the stories they choose to film. As the victims themselves are generally not invited to appear on Untold Stories of the ER, the creators of the show must recreate the scenes of accidents, such as the mountain lion attack with no real knowledge or assistance except for the second hand information which is received from the doctors who are interviewed. While the camera films these scenarios in a documentary style fashion where the camera shakes and moves around as if the person holding the camera is running through a forest, there is little, if anything documentary about it. It falls strictly into a fictional category because the producers of the show do not contact the victims, thus are unable to verify if their stories are accurate or not (C. Neufeld, Personal Communication, March 8, 2014). This differs from typical reality television as the audience is aware that what they are seeing is a completely fictional dramatization of a traumatic event, thus affecting the audience in a less emotional manner.

The filming style on Boston Med is strictly of the classic reality TV genre. The program relies on the camera following around the doctors and nurses of Boston General Hospital on a day to day basis. The show was shot over a four month period, and the most interesting information was pasted together to create the series. The camera follows the doctors and nurses through times of trauma and also follows them into the background of the hospital, further into their personal and professional lives that a patient wouldn’t normally see. For example, during the first episode of the series, two resident doctors are sitting in their break room drinking coffee together and discussing their dating lives (Wrong, 2010a). The camera sits in between the two doctors and creates a triangle. The camera is positioned as if to be a party to the conversation. Doris Baltruschat notes that this form of filming is meant to create a sense of “immediacy and intimacy” between the camera and the people on film which makes it seem as if catching people talking as opposed to instructing them to act The camera is used as an active participant in the show as well as being a “fly on the wall” (Reality TV Formats: The Case of Canadian Idol, 2013). While their conversation about dating does not directly relate to the medical field, it is placed in the program to attempt to break down the socially constructed wall that is generally placed between doctors and the public.

The confessionals are also a very important aspect of the development of these programs and the construction of social realism.  The confessionals explore the deeper emotions of the doctors on the show, which can be both hilarious as well as heartbreaking. By looking deeper into the emotions of doctors through the confessionals, the show is giving permission for not only an inside look into the gory details of working in a hospital but the emotional reactions that doctors and nurses have in high intensity and emotional situations. In the case of the confessional the viewer can see that the doctors are not always strong and knowledgeable, they are occasionally confused, lost and weak. For example, in the third episode of Boston Med a doctor breaks down crying when she speaks of a patient that dies (Wrong, 2010b), the camera appears to capture this vulnerable moment on a whim, when it was likely intentional. Baltruschat relates that the confessional is meant to make the audience feel as if they are having an intimate encounter with the participant (Baltruschat, 2013). This form of filming is what is defined as Cinema Verite. The camera acts as a catalyst to engage the person speaking and encourages the person to reveal their true nature.

In another episode of Boston Med, we see a resident doctor who speaks in the confessional booth about her dating life, how her parents had always pressured her to marry someone from India but she has always been so passionate about her career that dating falls by the wayside (Wrong, 2010a). While one might question how this is relevant to a show about a hospital, the show is offering an inside look at women in the medical profession, and the audience  is being asked to make a judgment to praise her for following her career or condemning her for being single. This insight creates an emotional connection between the viewer and the doctor. When the scene switches later in the episode to her performing surgery on a male who has been stabbed during a fight, the audience has appreciation for the doctor and what she does because they have heard from her firsthand what she has given up (a traditional life and marriage) for her career. The confessional plays an integral part of Boston Med because the show is looking at the social constructs of the medical profession and how the ideals of society affect a woman’s choice of career over family.

Untold Stories of the ER uses the process of the confessional in a different manner. The doctors on Untold Stories of the ER are not asked to reveal their true characters, but to retell and recreate with words the event which is being played out for the viewer via dramatization. These confessions are then used as a voiceover throughout the episode dramatization. Through this form of confessional the viewer receives an inside account of a doctors reaction in the face of a medical emergency. In an episode segment entitled “Cougar Town” a stoic doctor discusses how a drunken woman enters the hospital with a face pouring with blood due to falling on a curb. The doctor uses the confessional to chastise the woman’s sordid, drunken behaviour and assert his dominance as a doctor through his retelling of the story. He ridicules the woman’s antics and reveals an unsavoury side of his character by doing so, something that he would not have been able to do at the time of the accident (Bradshaw, 2014). The doctor’s confessional intertwines with the dramatization which creates a back and forth narrative between the doctor of the present, and the medical emergency of the past.

The confessional in Untold Stories of the ER is also used as the framework for the dramatization and therefore is the most important part of the show, as the doctor speaks, the program cuts away to the dramatization to prove a point and then recreates his account of the medical emergency (C. Neufeld, 2014). For example, in the episode with the drunken woman the doctor states that she and her friends came in “laughing like hens” (Bradshaw 2014), the program then cuts to the dramatization of three forty-something women in short, bloody dresses stumbling through the hallways of the hospital. The combination of the confession and the dramatization is satisfying as it takes a mundane scenario of interviewing a mundane and cocky doctor, and makes it interesting and humorous with the dramatization. On the opposite side of this, the interview gives legitimacy to the dramatization as the doctor is confessing this outlandish story to the camera. In addition, the article “Factual Entertainment and Reality TV” notes that by mixing the genres of fiction and documentary, a wider and more diverse audience will likely be reached and therefore the show is more likely to be successful. The balance between the confession and the dramatization is essential to ensuring that the series is well rounded (Beck & Aeschbacher, 2012).

Caroline Neufeld is a writer on Untold Stories of the ER, and notes that the gender, age, race and sex of the people who are seen on the show are regularly changed so as to make the person indiscernible or more interesting to the story. A 40 year old 350lbs white man may become a 20 year old, 100lbs, African-America female during the recreation of an episode to hide identity of the real person who was involved in the medical emergency. The outcome of a procedure may also be changed to create a conclusion. In one episode of Untold Stories of the ER, a little girl is admitted to the ER with thousands of splinters and cactus needles all over her body after falling down an embankment (Fields, 2006). The camera is positioned from the inside of the hospital to see through the eyes of the doctor from the moment that the patient enters the facility and throughout the procedure. The dramatizations of the situation are filmed to look as if the medical emergency is really happening, and while the viewer can appreciate that the child on the camera is not really in any pain, the producers of the show are essentially using the child’s suffering to make an entertaining television show, when this patient may never have been a child at all. The decision to switch the complete profile of people is not only to protect the identity of a person, but to change the way that the situation is perceived. A female child falling down an embankment is more emotionally taxing than an adult man. The program takes a real situation and attributes all the effects of the fictional narrative format by making it as dramatic as possible. The audience also receives a greater amount of satisfaction when the story resolves and the little girl is okay. True to a fictionalized format, there is a happy ending in which the little girl leaves the hospital happy and healthy.

The program Boston Med closely follows a soap opera format that could come straight out of a fictional program. The Beck and Aeschbacher article notes that reality TV programs have a higher success rate when they use a similar format to traditional programming (2012). In Boston Med the music swells in the opening credits and a view of the city landscape of Boston is seen. At this point the narrator begins to speak about the different medical centers in Boston and the people who work in them, before focusing in on Massachusetts General Hospital. The audience is treated to uplifting music in the background as we are introduced to the cast of characters. The camera pans around and we see a doctor asking out a nurse, babies being born, and a fight breaking out – essentially all the entertaining pieces to be enjoyed in a fictional drama can be found in Boston Med, and with the bonus that it’s “real”.

Boston Med, in documentary style opens following a surgeon on his morning rounds as he greets two transplant candidate patients and their families. Through interviews with the patients and the family, the show tells the story of how the patients come to be in the centre receiving transplants, giving a heartwarming feel to the episode. The cameras also follow the doctors into surgery, which gives the episode its climax. At the end of the episode the patients go into surgery, receive their transplants and come out healthy and begin their recovery, which gives way the denouement of the episode. The doctor in the episode is exceptionally modest about his life saving surgical ability and the patients praise him profusely. The program works to place the doctor in the social position of hero and saviour. This is similar to a fictionalized drama where the doctors are charming and all knowing. The conclusion of the program neatly wraps up the story in the episode and gives a full conclusion to the happenings on Boston Med. This further proves the notion that the program uses a medical drama formula, and attributes it to reality television.

The docudrama has become a large part of modern television. Merging the traditional aspects of the reality TV show and prime time medical drama these two programs have developed a format which is attractive largely because of how camera work such as Cinema Verite and Direct cinema are used to position the audience. Untold Stories of the ER uses Cinema Verite through the camera and the confessional to create a setting for their episode and to develop the story being told on the screen. Boston Med uses Direct Cinema filming techniques as well as the use of the confessional to glimpse at the social nature of ER doctors. In addition, Boston Med follows the same format of a primetime soap opera and allows the program to provide depth and give the viewer an insight to the real life of hospital workers in the USA. Whether the show is based on reality, or whether it is based mainly on dramatizations, both programs follow a format which creates television that blends reality and fiction, and paints a glorious and dramatic life of ER doctors and nurses.

References

Baltruschat, D. (2013). Reality TV Formats: The Case of Canadian Idol. The Television Reader (pp. 185-199). Toronto: Oxford University Press.

Beck, D., Hellmueller, L. C., & Aeschbacher, N. (2012). Factual Entertainment and Reality TV. Communication Research Trends, 31(2), 4-27.

Bradshaw, L. (Writer), & Benz, P. (Director). (January 4, 2014). Creepy Crawlies [8] Untold Stories of the ER. Vancouver, British Columbia: GRB Productions.

Fields, T. et al. (Writer), & Benz, P. (Director). (June 27, 2006). Mountain Lion Attack [4] Untold Stories of the ER. Vancouver, British Columbia: GRB Productions.

Goodman, M. (2006). Real Emotional Logic: Film and Television Docudrama as Persuasive Practice.  Journal of Film & Video, 58(1/2), 112-113.

Neufeld, Caroline. Interview by author. Personal interview. Vancouver, BC, March 8, 2014.

Waisbord, S. (2013). McTV: Understanding the Global Popularity of Television Formats. The Television Reader (pp. 367-383). Toronto: Oxford University Press.

Wrong, T. (Writer), & Bednar, R. (Executive Producer). (June 24, 2010). Episode #1.1 [1] Boston Med. Boston, Massachusetts: ABC News.

Wrong, T. (Writer), & Bednar, R. (Executive Producer). (July 8, 2010). Episode #1.3 [1] Boston Med. Boston, Massachusetts: ABC News.


 

 

Miss Manners and the Prenuptual Agreement


Judith Martin, also known as Miss Manners has been a valued etiquette columnist for MSN.com, the Chicago Sun Times and is syndicated in over 200 other newspapers and magazines. Active since 1978 and in 2005 received an award from the White House for her Humanitarian efforts; Miss Manners has become the go to etiquette columnist for North Americans. With her sage, and occasionally cheeky advice, Ms. Martin has corrected her reader’s etiquette in a myriad of situations.  While times have certainly changed from the earlier 20th century when etiquette columns consisted of the proper way for a man to court a woman, and our society has become more relaxed around social norms, there are still etiquette hurdles that must be jumped, in this  instance – how does one tell their wife that they require a prenuptial agreement? As many people may see this as a power play for the future husband to have an upper hand and keep his finances away from his future bride, I argue that levels the playing field for both parties to be in a position of power, something which the institutional gaze of marriage does not allow.

Marriage while seen by many as the ultimate romantic gesture, more often than not can become a stressful situation. With so many cultural expectations surrounding it, many people fail to note that marriage is not just a union of two people, but also the union of finances. The traditional institutional gaze that surrounds marriage implies that two people are meant to fall in love, get married and have children with a white picket fence. In fact, should one bring up the financial obligations of marriage they may be considered deviant and even money hungry. In the article in question, a man ponders how to bring up the subject of a prenuptial agreement to his fiancé, who will also be his second wife. The man has grown children and wants to ensure after having one failed marriage, that should his second marriage fail that he and his children will be protected. While 50 years ago this would be against all social norms, it is becoming all too common in the twenty-first century. With nearly fifty percent of marriages ending in divorce it is impractical to assume that a marriage will be successful, and for one to assume that their marriage is outside of the new normal may be considered entirely foolish.

Focault speaks of a power balance between people and while he attributes this to the balance of power between an officer of the law and a prisoner, it can also be attributed to marriage. Marriage can be one large power struggle, who has the most money, who is the breadwinner and who survives off of whom. What is boasted as a partnership today, may have an underlying tension regarding who carries the most power. Focault says “We must cease once and for all to describe the effects of power in negative terms – as exclusion, repression, censorship and concealment”. There is nothing wrong with power, what becomes a problem is when that power is abused. By instating a prenuptial agreement this places both parties in a position of power, to negotiate and come to reasonable terms for a marriage and should the time come – the dissolution of one. A prenuptial agreement is not a statement of power, it is evening the playing field.

A concern regarding the prenuptial agreement is the sign that it portrays – divorce. One reason people are so hesitant to them is that they are discussing the dissolution of a marriage before it has even happened. To speak of a prenuptial agreement to some is to assume failure. This is a myth that is perpetrated by the media and by Hollywood where the money hungry, evil man asks the innocent woman for the prenuptial agreement and she is blindsided. One of the most popular and well known instances of the prenuptial agreement shown in the Media is Sex and the City. Charlotte, the demure innocent character of the famous foursome is blindsided when her fiancé asks her for a prenuptial agreement, in which  she believes shows her “worth” as an individual. When she  makes a demand that she have worth increased, she in essence takes back her power as a woman. This is a foreshadowing to her failed marriage, and perpetuates the myth that a prenuptial agreement is a sign of disaster.

Feminism also plays a role in the development of our new social norms surrounding marriage. With women now working outside the home, waiting until their late twenties, and even thirties to get married, there have become different reasons for getting married. No longer must a woman rely on a man to take care of her, she can be educated, hold a well paying job and take care of herself. A woman may very well have her own assets to protect. The theory of the “male gaze” may be there to make a woman believe that she still requires a man to live a successful life, but in truth it hasn’t been necessary for a long, long time. However, you still fail to see many articles in which a woman expresses the desire for a prenuptial agreement. This is because the male gaze still places women in a position of inferior power, as pointed out in Sturken and Cartwrights article “Spectatorship, Power and Knowledge”.  Sturken and Cartwright state that women are meant to be looked at while men are meant to act. This places females who are in a position of power in a precarious position. Because a woman feels that she is being watched and judged, she may be less likely to makes demands when a prenuptial agreement is requested of her as she may be seen by others as money hungry or a gold digger. On the other hand, to be a female and request one of her partner, a woman faces the possibility of emasculating her future husband, thus jeopardizing the future of her relationship.

An Interesting aspect of this particular advice column is that Miss Manners does not attempt to scold the reader for his deviant behaviour and the desire to protect his assets. In fact, she encourages the conversation and suggests tactful ways to bring up the subject. A key point in this is that she manages to balance the power between the man and his betrothed by encouraging him to place the blame not on the potential failure of the marriage as the writer does, but on his  children and the protection of their future. By doing so, Judith Martin attempts to shift the balance of power and create an equal playing field for both the male and the female.
 
 
 

The Lucky Strike Girl


 
The Lucky Strike Company is a Tobacco company that was formed in Richmond, Virginia in 1871. Best known for its catchphrase “It’s Toasted”, Lucky Strike was the top selling tobacco company in the USA during the 1930s.  The company is also famously known for their advertisements portraying middle class people smoking Lucky Strike’s, along with a testimonial of its benefits. The lucky strike ad that I have chosen showcases the Lucky Strike brands early 20th century advertising of which it is best remembered for. In this advertisement specifically, the testimonial shares that the flavour of a Lucky Strike cigarette will void the craving that woman has for sweets, thus keeping her figure trim. Through the use of testimonial by the fictional “Lucky Strike Girl” and the close up of her face to give an emotional appeal, this Lucky Strike cigarette ad largely embodies Marchand’s idea of advertising in the 1920’s and 1930’s in his book “Advertising the American Dream”.

This advertisement portrays a close up of a girls face with the tagline “I’m a ‘Lucky’ Girl”. This play on words is meant to signify that the character is a devout smoker of the Lucky Strike brand, and that by doing so she is fortunate (or “lucky”) because as the testimonial states she is able to stay thin and not give into the temptation of sweets. She no longer needs sweets because every time that she craves one she can just light up a cigarette instead. The testimonial that is placed in the ad is meant to work as a confessional, something that a viewer of the advertisement can identify with. By using the testimonial the advertisement invites the viewer to be familiar with the Lucky Strike girl. Familiarity with the model is also acknowledged by using a close up and therefore more personal image of the model, as if to imply that this could be the viewer’s friend who is sharing a tip about how to stay thin.

This advertisement also speaks as a clear indicator of early 20th century advertising as the emphasis is put on the woman in the advertisement, and less on the product itself. The advertisement focuses on what the woman has to say about the product and what it does to benefit her, not just what the product is and how it works. This showcases that the advertisement is meant to not only sell a product but also sell a lifestyle that is attached to it. The advertisement attempts to sell to the consumer the lifestyle that if you are a Lucky Strike smoker you can either be the woman in the advertisement, or be with the woman in the advertisement.

The woman in the Lucky Strike advertisement is attractive, and appears to not be wearing much, if any clothing and is covered by the Lucky Strike brand. This bold statement of sexuality was not generally common in early 20th century advertising. By placing the woman in the forefront of the advertisement it invites the viewer to look at or imagine the form of the woman even though we only see her from the shoulder up. Also by having the advertisement testimonial in reference to her figure, this further accentuates her appearance. The ‘Lucky Girl’ is portrayed as well put together and classy (an indicator which is given by her hairstyle which is neatly put together). She is also portrayed as daring which is referenced by her nearly nude figure. This woman is whom the Lucky Strike Company aims to target. It is clear however, that they are not only portraying the model as a sweet, but somewhat sexy version of a woman for the benefit of females, but also for the benefit of males. In addition, the model is painted, and not an actual picture of a woman. The woman that is being portrayed is for all intents and purposes ideal, and with the close up of her face, it uses the movie appeal which Marchand refers to in Chapter 3 of his book, and draws the viewer into the advertisement and make a connection with the model, and therefore the product.

Marchand notes in his book numerous times that testimonials and the use of glamour were two very important parts of advertising during the 1920’s and 1930’s. The emphasis on these commodities was because of the public’s change in priorities from practical use of products, to a lifestyle use. The Lucky Strike brand attempted to sell its products as a lifestyle, one that was cooler, more mature and more inviting than other cigarette companies. By portraying this advertisement with the emphasis on a beautiful woman, as well as the benefits to stay thin, it was meant to showcase both a visual and practical appeal to the consumer. Not only will you get the classic “toasted” taste of Lucky Strikes, you can also be cool, and stay thin at the same time. By using a testimonial to garner emotional appeal as well as the face of the Lucky Strike Girl to relate to the consumer, this advertisement was able to embody two important aspects of advertising in the early twentieth century, and two tactics which continue in advertising today.


 

References

 

 

Chevy Strong

CMNS 223W 
Chevy Strong 
Term Paper 
 
Suzan Aktug
December 4, 2013 
 
 
. 
Chevrolet entered the vehicle market in 1914. The Silverado, arguably the company’s bestselling pickup truck was introduced in the 1970’s, according to their website www.Chevrolet.com. Chevrolet’s advertisements have often been eye catching and relied on a consistent theme and target a specific demographic with their advertising relying on the traditional idea of the farmer. Their ad campaigns ensure that by targeting a specific hard working group of people that their vehicles do not just sell to actual farmers, but people who have come to associate the vehicle with rough, strong and hardworking people. With Chevrolet taking the lifestyle of the farmer and attributing it to their vehicles within their advertisements they appear to imply that their trucks are similar to the life of the farmer in strength and workability.  

I have chosen three ads for the Chevrolet Silverado truck from the 2013 “Strong Campaign”. Two of the ads depict male figures while a third depicts a female figure. All three ads pull from the American Midwest and depict the characters in the ads and the stories portrayed as “Strong”. The Chevrolet Company has used authenticity to sell their vehicles by directing the product toward blue collar, small town workers as opposed to white collared city dwellers. One ad portrays numerous men being supportive and loving citizens, while another tells the story of a man who mends a fence and then goes to look for a wandering calf during a storm. These two ads are depictions of hegemonic masculinity in advertising and the ads attempt to draw the audience in with the stories that are told. The characteristics of the stories are then used to relate to characteristics of the vehicle. The third advertisement portrays a female and attempts to be contrary to the feminine stereotype by portraying the female as strong and capable without a male. Authenticity, masculinity and femininity are the key themes within this series of advertisements.

Authenticity

Robert Goldman and John Papson notes that authenticity revolves around what is “real, honest, pure and true” in their article “Authenticity in the age of the Poseur” (1996, p.142). Chevrolet has taken the idea of authenticity and applied it to its advertising campaign for the 2013 Chevrolet Silverado. The advertisements use the theme of the authentic Midwestern culture to create a series of advertisements which are effectively driven towards a specific audience. In all three of the advertisements the people who are portrayed are hard working, blue collared people whose lives have been made easier because of their Silverado truck. Whether they are driving through a rainstorm, towing a horse trailer or experiencing the everyday life of going to work and caring for a family, they can do so because of their truck, and because their truck represents them because it is also hard working.

The advertisers for the Chevy Silverado are faced with a dilemma in how they will make their vehicle stand out amongst the rest. From the Ford F-150 to the Toyota Tacoma there are many different trucks with heavy towing capacities and the ability to battle numerous situations and weather conditions. Chevrolet’s ad campaign however has made authenticity a key concept to their product. To be a Silverado driver you must be as the commercials state “Strong”. You’re not just a man or a woman who owns a truck. You’re a man or woman who is working hard and needs a truck that will do the same. A real, authentic farmer is going to drive a Silverado, as the Silverado is the sign of a hardworking person. The advertisers want the consumer to see the commercials and see a piece of themselves in it. The consumer also has children, also is married and works hard every day to provide for their family. The narrative in the advertisements is meant to speak to the consumer and explain why the consumer is just as authentic as the actors in the advertisements.

The article by Goldman also states that “Searching for authenticity within commodity culture results in an endless sign chase” (1996, p.148). The Silverado truck is used as a sign to show authenticity. The people in the commercials, the hard working, blue collared workers are personified in the truck. The truck is hard working and the person that drives the truck is also hard working. Two of the commercials start as “This is [man/woman]. A [man/woman] and [his/her truck]” what follows is “[A man/woman], [his/her] truck and a…” the advertisement attempts to show the consumer that the person’s lifestyle is directly related to the vehicle, creating a union between the person and the truck. This advertisement invites the viewer to picture themselves as the man/woman with a truck, and how this truck is going to benefit their lives and their struggles. The advertisements also use class status as a way of engaging in authenticity. By using a working class culture as the drivers of the vehicle we are meant to see the vehicle again as “strong”. There aren’t lawyers and doctors driving these vehicles – they are meant for the working class, the man that as the song in the commercial notes “ain’t just tough, he’s strong”. The “Strong” advertisement uses the authenticity of the working class struggle to portray the uses of their vehicle. While trying to provide the viewer of the commercial with an authentic, Midwestern experience, Chevy creates a lifestyle out of their truck.

Masculinity

Masculinity and the portrayal of the modern man is another clear theme throughout the “Strong” and “Broken Fence” commercials. The men in the commercials are almost all white and portray the role of the working class male. Many are portrayed as the stereotypical cowboy as well and wear both cowboy boots and cowboy hats. This harkens back to the day of the Marlboro man who was the quintessential sign of masculinity. However these men are not just tough cowboys. The men in the advertisements are portrayed as family men, hard workers and providers for not just themselves and their families, but also their community. The Chevrolet Silverado manages to combine the traditional manly-man as well as the form of modern masculinity and marry the two to create an ideal person, and this ideal man drives a truck which is just as loyal, strong and capable as he is.  “[The] hegemonic male is said to be a strong, successful, capable and authoritative man who derives his reputation from the workplace and his self-esteem from the public sphere” states Rebecca Feasey (“Spray more, get more: masculinity, television advertising and the Lynx effect”, 2009, P. 358). The Chevrolet Silverado commercials hit the theme of hegemonic masculinity directly on the head with their choice of characters in their advertisements. However, Chevrolet also manages to create a sense of sensitivity within the males, as is noted throughout the “Strong” commercials, it is not enough for a man to be just tough anymore, he also must me “strong”.

The men within the “Strong” commercial all have the appearance of the traditional masculine male. The same as how women are generally portrayed as beautiful, Chevy ensures that all of the men in their commercials are physically fit and attractive. While they are careful to not make the men look like models, they attempt to create a balance in between where the men portrayed could easily be a viewer’s friend or coworker. In addition to the appearance of the men, their actions also portray an ideal form of masculinity as it is seen in todays world. The men who are portrayed in the “Strong” commercial are also all great husbands and fathers and show a sensitive side.

Sensitivity is also a key figure in the commercials, For example, in the “Broken Fence” commercial it states “This is a man. A man and his truck. A man, and his truck and a broken fence. A man and his truck and a broken fence – and a lost calf”. The scene, along with the music and the dark and stormy weather is portrayed on a hard going terrain that the farmer must face. The farmer in the commercial then goes on a search in his 2013 Chevy Silverado for the lost calf. During the hunt for the lost animal the audience is not meant to just focus on the vehicle and how well the truck is handling the storm that the farmer is driving through, they are also drawn to the story that is unfolding about the unrelenting farmer searching for his lost calf. The truck is the reason that the farmer can go looking for the lost animal, but is not the reason that he is looking for it. The reason that he looks is because he cares. As the man spots the baby cow, he does not just pick it up and throw it in his truck. The camera focuses on the man as he bends down towards the frightened and cold animal and then zooms in just as he places his hand on the calf’s head and strokes it’s ear to sooth it. This shows that the man does not just treat the animal as a piece of property; he cares for it and is concerned for its well-being. The farmer in this commercial is an example of how hegemonic masculinity has changed in the twenty first century. It is no longer enough for a man to just be tough – he has to also be “Strong”. A Chevy Silverado driver doesn’t look out for number one, he looks out for his farm, and he has feelings and is sensitive to the plight of an animal.

Chevy is attempting to break down the traditional tough farmer stereotype and allowing a newer, more sensitive man to be the face of the Chevy Silverado. The sensitive male is also clearly portrayed in the “Strong” commercial. “He’s a twenty year straight gets to work on time” shows that that men in the commercials are hard workers, they go to work and they are dedicated to their jobs and providing. However he’s also “loved one woman for all his life”, again showing the sensitivity of the man. In the commercial at this point a man and his wife sit on the back porch and clutch each other’s weathered hands. The holding of the hands and the close up is used as a sign.  Both of their hands look like they have been working. The weathered hands are a sign of a partnership, not just a man who provides for his wife. Also, a Chevy truck driver is not a cheat, he is not a philanderer he is a good husband and a good father. The Strong ad also portrays the men with their children. One scene is a man at his child’s baseball game. While the truck is not seen in the scene, the advertisement attempts to market the lifestyle of a Silverado driver to the working father. Feasey also notes that “that the texts [masculine commercials] present the ‘prevailing cultural values’ about sexuality and gender that dominate a particular historical period.” (2009, p.359). The theme of sensitive masculinity is very accurate in the Chevrolet Silverado commercials as we see the men as modern day cowboys. The men are family men with a sensitive side who work hard, no longer the Marlboro men of years past. The theme of the modern masculine man is clearly portrayed throughout both the “Broken Fence” and the “Strong” commercials through the use of wording in the music as well as the actions that are portrayed in the commercials.

Femininity

Commodity feminism is fairly new to the Chevy Silverado line up. Through my research I was unable to find any commercials which starred a female in previous years. However, in 2013 Chevrolet introduced the “Woman and her Horse” commercial which features a woman towing her horse to a barrel racing competition. This commercial takes feminism and attempts to demonstrate that the woman that drives a Chevrolet is anything but the average woman. The advertisers have the woman towing her horse with the Chevrolet Silverado and attempt to show how she just as strong as the men who are also portrayed in the commercial.

The difference however between the commercials which prominently display men and this commercial which displays a woman is that the woman’s gender is highly focused on. As the commercial notes “she has a ribbon for the wall, not for her hair”. Also, the woman is very attractive which is likely due to the advertisers desire to use the male gaze so as not to alienate their male audience. You can see that the men in the commercial look at the woman and her horse, whereas had a man been portrayed the literal gaze that the woman receives likely would not be there. The woman’s skin is flawless and her hands are very soft, as can be seen when she holds her hand out the car window. Also, she wears jewelry on her wrist which is another feminine signifier. The appearance of the woman is integral to the advertisement while the voiceover attempts to differentiate the character from other females. Her appearance is also worth nothing as it is completely unlike the other farmers which are portrayed in the “Strong” and “Broken Fence” commercial whose hands are calloused and faces weatherbeaten.

Goldman notes in his “Commodity Feminism” article with reference to women that  “advertisers assemble signs which connote independence, participation in the work force, individual freedom and self control” (1992, p.133). This advertisement attempts to display all of the above and more. However, this advertisement unfortunately ends up looking like a poor attempt at attempting to turn around the male gaze and attract a female audience. By using a woman in the advertisement instead of a male the company tries to show that they are equal opportunity. However by focusing heavily on the gender of the main character they are unable to form an honest connection with the viewer. The commercial attempts to note that the woman is just as strong as any man; however it treats her like a fantasy object.

Conclusion

Chevrolet has successfully created the “Strong” advertisement campaign for 2013 Chevrolet Silverado by using people, as well as a catchy song and voiceover to sell their vehicles. While the “Woman and her Horse” advertisement leaves much to be desired in the face of femininity the “Strong” and “Broken Fence” commercials successfully marry a story as well as an advertisement to attract a viewership. By using authenticity as the basis of their advertisements and coupled that with the themes of strong masculinity and femininity the company has branded itself as the working man’s truck. The Silverado advertisements while mentioning the capability of the vehicle rely heavily on the story that is being told as opposed to touting the features of the vehicle. By telling a series of successful stories the company has managed to advertise in a way that allows authenticity, masculinity and femininity to rule the series as opposed to saddling the advertisement on the achievements of the vehicle itself. By personifying the vehicle in the characteristics of the people who are portrayed, Chevrolet’s advertisements remain eye catching to even the most white collar worker who might not consider the vehicle otherwise. It also compliments their target demographic by referring to them as strong individuals, and only a strong individual would drive a Silverado.


 

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Advertisement Analysis

COMMUNICATIONS 223W 
Advertisement Analysis 
Assignment #1 
 
Suzan Aktug 
301239016 
October 3, 2013 
 
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The Ford Motor Company was established in 1903 by Henry Ford. While Ford was once one of few vehicles available and had little competition, over the years the market has become saturated with alternative options, Ford has had to work to stay relevant through advertising campaignsFord has continued to rebrand itself and create eye-catching advertising campaigns for their line of vehiclesThe advertisement Carwash” which is for the 2013 Ford Focus GFX Sport Ralley edition embodies how Ford would like the public to perceive the Focus brand and uses signifiers, a means of relating a subject to an inanimate object to attract the subject to the advertisement. While Ford has the Mustang for speed, and the Explorer as the ultimate family car, the Ford Focus is both. It’s not just a family car, or a racing car. It’s all of the above and more.  
The scene being depicted in the advertisement is that of a woman washing the racing paint away from her yellow Focus in front of the garage of her suburban homeThe removal of the racing paint to showcase the “normal” car underneath, mirrors what the advertisers state in their tagline that the Ford Focus GFX is now “dressed for the streets”. The vehicle in the advertisement is used as a signifier for the potential purchaser. It is expressed through the removal of the paint, essentially by showing that just as people have layers and different personality traits, so does this car and washing away the racing paint has dressed it down. 
The advertisement is not just a signifier for the subject, but the removal of the layer of paint implies that the vehicle can satisfy a persons need for speed with the handling construction of a racing vehicle, but also has the functionality to be used as a person’s primary vehicle. This advertisement also invites the subject to imagine themselves in the vehicle by depicting a scene of a suburban lifestyle which a subject who would consider purchasing a Ford Focus may either relate to or desire to relate to. 
The product attempts to differentiate itself from other ads on the market by making the vehicle appear appealing to numerous subjects. In JudithWilliamson’s 1978 article on Meaning and Ideology, she states that “the first function of an advertisement is to create a differentiation between one particular product and others in the same category” (p. 24)While many advertisements for mid-range cars want to make their vehicles seem either sporty, or family oriented through advertisements, this advertisement attempts to achieve a balance between the two. By posing an average car as a racing vehicle, this appeals to a larger audience, one that might be interested in a fast car as well as a convenient vehicle.  
By placing the vehicle in the forefront of the advertisement and keeping the surrounding area muted with similar colours it draws the viewer to look directly at the vehicle. It successfully does this by creating a fairly simple scene in behind of bushes and trees which makes the yellow of the vehicle pop. The woman has also been dressed in muted tones; brown shorts and blue tank top make her blend into the background thus she is an accessory to the car instead of the other way aroundThe scene that is depicted in the ad uses connotation which expresses that the car represents the ultimate suburban lifestyle without having to give up the glamour related to owning a sports car. The advertisement also contains very little wording, allowing the subject to focus on the vehicle as opposed to mechanical details, leaving the vehicle to stand on it’s own.  
Ford has successfully created an ad for this vehicle by using the vehicle as a clear signifier for the viewer by showing the vehicles layers, which mirror the layers of a person. It also uses signifiers to differentiate itself from other vehicles within the market by using the removal of paint as a signifier that shows the car is more than just your average car; there is more to it than meets the eye. By creating an advertisement it allows the viewer to form their own opinion on the functionality of the vehicle and invites them to learn moreFord chooses to place their logo at the bottom page out of the direct line of sight. This signifies Ford’s confidence that a subject knows this brand. Fords use of effective signifiers, differentiation and colouring to attract a subject to the advertisement and make them pause. This makes “Carwash” an effective add for the 2013 Ford Focus Sport Ralley Edition. 
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References 
1. Williamson, Judith (1978).Decoding Advertisements. New York, NY: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd. 

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“The Ralley Inspired Focus GFX. Now Dressed For The Streets”